I'm a bit peeved by their slogan though, "Now na!" sounds more like a request than a cry of outrage. And its so...text message-y, as if it were almost a joke.
If we were to change it to "Ngayon na!" wouldn't it sound more urgent?
MALACAÑANG PALACE MANILATo see Proclamation 1017, click here.
PROCLAMATION NO. 1017
PROCLAMATION DECLARING A STATE OF NATIONAL EMERGENCY
WHEREAS, over these past months, elements in the political opposition have conspired with authoritarians of the extreme Left represented by the NDF-CPP-NPA and the extreme Right, represented by military adventurists--the historical enemies of the democratic Philippine
State—who are now in tactical alliance and engaged in a concerted and systematic conspiracy, over a broad front, to bring down the duly constituted Government elected in May 2004.
WHEREAS, these conspirators have repeatedly tried to bring down the President;
WHEREAS, the claims of these elements have been recklessly magnified by certain segments of the national media;
WHEREAS, this series of actions is hurting the Philippine State--by obstructing governance including hindering the growth of the economy and sabotaging the people’s confidence in government and their faith in the future of this country;
WHEREAS, these actions are adversely affecting the economy;
WHEREAS, these activities give totalitarian forces of both the extreme Left and extreme Right the opening to intensity their avowed aims to bring down the democratic Philippine State;
WHEREAS, Article 2, Section 4 of our Constitution makes the defense and preservation of the democratic institutions and the State the primary duty of Government;
WHEREAS, the activities above-described, their consequences, ramifications and collateral
effects constitute a clear and present danger to the safety and the integrity of
the Philippine State and of the Filipino people;
NOW, THEREFORE, I Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, President of the Republic of the Philippines and
Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Philippines, by virtue of the powers vested upon me by Section 18, Article 7 of the Philippine Constitution which states that: “ The President…whenever it becomes necessary,…may call out (the) armed forces to prevent or suppress…rebellion…, “ and in my capacity as their Commander-in-Chief, do hereby command the Armed Forces of the Philippines,
to maintain law and order throughout the Philippines, prevent or suppress all forms of lawless violence as well any act of insurrection or rebellion and to enforce obedience to all the laws and to all decrees, orders and regulations promulgated by me personally or upon my direction; and as provided in Section
17, Article 12 of the Constitution do hereby declare a State of National Emergency.
IN WITNESS HEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the Republic of the Philippines to be affixed.
Done in the City of Manila, this 24th day of February, in the year of Our Lord, two thousand and
six.
GLORIA MACAPAGAL-ARROYO President Republic of the Philippines
"Nowadays however, the progressive economist or social scientist might label their class. Noting that they supported a sea-raiding elite with pretensions to royalty and personal interests in maritime trade, he would recognize them as “the masses.” The Visayan oripun and Tagalog alipin, in short, were the Filipino people (1992: 101)."However, far from equating in our minds the European concept of “slave,” of person-as-property, Scott actually goes to great lengths to differentiate the Visayan oripin and the Tagalog alipin from the person-as-property, or worse, the useless, lazy, dependent waiting for the next meal from his master.
“They were members of their master’s household who, unlike namamahay householders, ate out of their master’s pot. They were as dependent upon him as his own children, and from this circumstance arose his moral right to sell them. In actual practice however, he rarely did… (96).”While this statement may be easily interpreted as the total dependence of a slave to his master, I take it to mean Scott’s emphasis on the difference of being alipin-as-person-indebted and slave-as-property. From being a thing owned, to a person with whom one has a complex social relationship.
“The main sources of alipin sa gigilid recruitment were the children born in their master’s house, not infrequently natural children by his own alipin. (96).”This implies that master literally treat their alipin as their own children because they grew up in his household.
“Two particular aspects of Philippine slavery attracted Spanish attention, and the first was its apparently arbitrary nature. Besides taking captives in raids, powerful datus seized men as slaves for minor infractions of rules they themselves decreed…The second aspect was the lightness of its demands. An Augustininan friar reported in 1572 that, ‘because Pedro is as good as his master, they eat together from the same plate…so what the indios they call slaves suffer in these islands isn’t really slavery, for they only do what they want without their lord or master forcing them to do more than they feel like doing (12-13).”So what kind of slave does as he pleases? One that has an extremely lax master?
“The members of this non-oripun elite ruled, administered, fought or traded according to their roles and opportunities, but they all had one thing in common—they did not produce their own rice. Oripun were the basic producers in society. By their labor in fields, forests and fishing grounds they produced foodstuffs for local consumption or exchange in domestic markets, and by their exploitation of natural resources and handicrafts, they produced the export products marketed by non-oripun (LFPF, 99-100).”This goes against the mistaken notion that the alipin is dependent on dole out. Scott actually states it is the other way around.
Nowadays however, the progressive economist or social scientist might label their class. Noting that they supported a sea-raiding elite with pretensions to royalty and personal interests in maritime trade, he would recognize them as “the masses.” The Visayan oripun and Tagalog alipin, in short, were the Filipino people (1992: 101)If Scott’s agenda hasn’t been made crystal by now, let me state what he writes in the chapter entitled “Filipino Class Structure in the 16th Century” in Crack in the Parchment Curtain (1982):
“All these details which distinguish Tagalog from Visayan social structure would appear to reflect an intensification of agricultural production, a decrease in slave-raiding activities, and an increase in the power of the ruling class. And, in retrospect, consideration of the details which portray the societies themselves would appear to present, in a single century, cameo versions of those stages through which the economic determinist usually pursues the course of human history across three millennia (126).”And if you do not know what he means by economic determinist, it means Marxist.
"The people who massed at Ultra had alternatives. To be sure, not very attractive ones, but they had alternatives nonetheless. Hungry people do not sit around for three days in a festive atmosphere waiting for a ticket to a game show; they go out looking for food."He then looks to link this kind of value system, one that "banks on patronage and entitlement, that thrives on false hopes and dependency, and that feeds on the simple, immature sense of good and evil in the universe at the same time disregarding the nature of actions and consequences" to the mentality of the "alipin" a pre-colonial "caste system" that he says survived the Spanish era and continues today.