A Year Ago: The Ampatuans

Human Rights Watch recently published a report on the Ampatuan Massacre last year:

This 96-page report charts the Ampatuans’ rise to power, including their use of violence to expand their control and eliminate threats to the family’s rule. It is based on more than 80 interviews, including with people having insider knowledge of the Ampatuan family security structure, victims of abuses and their family members, and witnesses to crimes.

See the full report here.

The Philosopher who would be King

I know Randy David to be an excellent writer and scholar and I have memories of him from his talk show, Public Forum, when I was much younger. While I ‘know’ him from what he has written and said on TV, I have only met him once. Shortly after the Hello Garci scandal broke, I heard him speak in a little powwow along with some people from Akbayan. He did an excellent summation of how the Marcos era destroyed many of our institutions and why we seem to have been in a permanent state of crisis since. Given his audience, he outlined the role of the civil society and of the middle class. For this he admitted he remained a singularly bourgeois scholar. He spoke for well over an hour without notes, without pause. I was impressed. It may well have been any one of his lectures of the past few decades but he delivered it with the surety of one who professes only truth as he saw it.

People who produce knowledge, scholars such as Professor David, are tasked by their vocation to be critical of the status quo. It is the culture of the academe, especially in the social sciences, where all concepts are in a constant state of contestation. This culture of critique, by nature, is questioning. Ideas are an academic’s currency. And ideas are only upheld for as along as they can be convincingly defended. These debates are done in a collegial atmosphere, where truth and malice would be bed partners aberrant.

Today the good professor proclaims his intention to run for public office – an arena where malice is a constant. In politics there are no truths, no ideals. There is only what is pragmatic. And while Professor David is no tyro in the public eye, I worry that he has not the skills to fight the dirty fight in a battle with the most powerful person in the land. He would contest a most skilled politician with an incumbent’s financial and political resources. Asked where he would get the resources to campaign, he blithely replied if he runs maybe it would come.

My admiration for Professor David is not new, and I am ecstatic he has strongly expressed interest in running for Congress in 2010. It is perhaps the natural evolution of one who has over the decades tirelessly described this patch of the world. Frustration after frustration, inutile at the sidelines, he has probably realized the time is ripe to change it.

I would donate P500 pesos to support Professor David as he embarks on an impossible quest to slay a monster. Imagine if there were thousands more of you who would do the same.

The Dilemma over People Power

The short Twitter exchange between myself and Doc Emer was taken out of context in Ms. Veneracion’s column on Manila Standard. For the past week I have been glued to the revolution unfolding in Iran. And I tweeted that People Power is one Philippine export our people could be proud of, to which Doc Emer replied “No. They're sick and tired of people power.” I tweeted back, “A shame then. How can people be sick and tired of fighting for freedom?”

Ms. Veneracion in her column reiterates the People Power was not a mass-initiated event. No account of EDSA 1 and EDSA 2 would claim otherwise. I certainly don’t. I also agree with her on the narrowness of People Power’s aims:

Third, the 1986 Edsa Revolution, a.k.a. People Power, was a fight for freedom only in a very narrow sense because its proponents were fighting to free themselves primarily, and the country secondarily, from the tyranny of Marcos.

I would not go so far though, to claim that People Power was manufactured to suit these ends:

It was merely about booting out some people and placing others in their stead. It was never about a long-term empowerment of the masses but merely a monitored empowerment that lasted only long enough to install new protagonists in key positions in government.

I understand Ms. Veneracion’s fear of ‘People Power.’ More than two decades later, the promise of EDSA has been frittered away. It is arguable whether we are better off today than Filipinos who lived through the Marcos regime. She is fearful of what might result from another EDSA revolt, fearful most of political opportunists who might take advantage. We need only look at Gloria Macapagal Arroyo to see that the consequence of our action has installed a President who now rivals Marcos in her hunger for absolute power.

This points then to the limits of People Power, what it is and what it is for. I agree with the characterization of Joel Rocamora, when he says it is a symptom of our ‘low intensity democracy.’ Because our institutions are far from democratic, they are open to monopoly by power holders. The current push for constitutional change, which all political observers interpret to be Arroyo’s bid to remain in power, is testament to this susceptibility to monopoly.

While we can debate over the consequences of People Power, that is, the citizens’ recourse to action when our major institutions – the Executive, the Legislative and the Judiciary, are co-opted by non-democratic forces - can we cast doubt over the utility, indeed the reason for being, of People Power itself?

I say no. For as long as our political institutions continue to be hi-jacked by a few, for as long as our government cannot and does not reflect what we citizens deem to be good and just way of governing, then the Filipino ought to have recourse for People Power. It ought to remain a legitimate means to air our grievance especially in times of crisis. When our institutions are open and accessible to the will of all, then we may lay the parliament of the streets to rest.

The question then is not whether Conass will trigger People Power, as Ms. Veneracion asks. The question is why must we resort to People Power at all? Why if we have the trappings of a democratic society, must we resort to unleashing the Power of the Powerless? That is, the act of articulating, whether it be on blogs, on Twitter or out on the streets, that the Empress has no clothes?

Filipino Transformismo?

It is often difficult for me to read about this country as seen through non-Filipino eyes. Especially from academics. They do not have vested interest in the conclusion of their analysis. All that matters is that their work is able to reasonably substantiate its argument. It would be the same as me making an indictment about the state of democracy in the Arab region for example. I would not hesitate to conclude - chances for substantive change any time soon are slim.

While we must take everything we read with a grain of salt, I am afraid Eva-Lotta Hedman's characterization of the status quo is frighteningly accurate.

In her book In the Name of Civil Society, she describes the Philippine's 'oligarchic democracy':

Observers have variously described democracy in the Philippines in terms of 'factionalism', 'clientelism', 'bossism' and 'caciquism', but the overall pattern has been clear. From municipal mayors to provincial governors to congressmen, senators and presidents, the elected politicians of the Philippines have been drawn from the landowning, commercial and industrial oligarchy of the archipelago, representing its interests both directly and through delegation. Competition for political office has revolved around contestation for the spoils of state power - patronage perks, concessions, discretionary enforcement of regulations - between rival families and factions within this ruling class.

The broad mass of the population, while providing the lion's share of the votes in elections has thus been politically 'disaggregated', drawn into support for local, provincial and national candidates for office through webs of dependence on landlords, patrons and other brokers for votes. Poverty and economic insecurity have combined with a highly decentralized political structure to render the majority of Filipinos susceptible to clientelist, coercive and monetary inducements and pressures during elections, and to thwart electoral efforts by political parties championing the interests of subaltern classes and promoting radical social change.

Meanwhile the prominent role of money in Philippine elections - for buying votes, bribing officials, and otherwise oiling the machinery - has created a structural imperative of fund-raising that guarantees politicians' continuing use of state powers and resources for personal and particularistic benefit and their abiding reliance on landowners, merchants, bankers, and industrialists to fund them. Small wonder that observers have been most impressed by the continuities in this seemingly seamless system of oligarchical democracy in the Philippines, as seen in the close attention paid to 'political dynasties' that have dominated municipalities, congressional districts, and in some cases entire provinces across several generations and many decades.

Busina Laban sa Cha-cha!

Noise barrage after the Con-ask Forum, gate 2.5 at Ateneo. That was fun :-) WOOT!

Guess who that was wearing a white hat at 0:35.



Mga mababaw ang kaligayahan. LOL.



QCPD was just doing their job. A kindly-looking policeman asks questions and scribbles notes in his notepad.

What in the World is Going On with Conass?

If there was anything I took from the Ateneo Forum yesterday, (there wasn't anything new because the speakers' talking points are already online), it was that we need to inform ourselves and each other about what precisely is going on. If you do not understand any of the terms - there's WIKIPEDIA!

To start with, I think the Akbayan Execom statement is a lucid, easy to understand summary what HR1109 is and what is at stake.



Former DSWD Secretary Dinky Soliman lays down four scenarios now circulating through emails. She also mentioned these in yesterdays' forum:

Scenario 1: House of Representative (HOR) will set the rules and procedures and proceed to amend the constitution acting now as a Constituent Assembly. After a period of time they bring the amended constitution to COMELEC to request for a plebiscite. A case is brought to the Supreme Court and the Supreme Court decides that a Senate less CONASS is valid. Plebiscite continues, it is a yes victory and the election of May 10, 2010 is an election for a parliamentary form of government. GMA runs on a district in Pampanga. She wins and becomes eventually the Prime Minister.This scenario assumes that the outraged and protest from the citizenry is weak.

Scenario 2: HOR convenes as a constituent assembly; a case is filed in the Supreme Court and SC declares that Congress is a bicameral body therefore the Senate is needed. Election fever catches up.A presidential election is held in May 10, 2010.This scenario assumes that there is significant citizen's lobby to stop CONASS and chahcha. The citizen's actions is a major influence in the assessment and judgement of the justices in the Supreme Court.

Scenario 3: HOR convenes as a constituent assembly, there is building outrage from the citizens and more street actions are undertaken.Malacana ng rides on the anger of the people and organizes violent incidents that will then be the basis for emergency rule. This scenario assumes that citizen's actions are not organized and disciplined which creates the conditions for infiltration and manipulated violence from the enemies of democracy.

Scenario 4: HOR convenes as a constituent assembly; a case is filed in the Supreme Court, the debate and deliberation in the Supreme Court takes a long time and it gets overtaken by election on May 10, 2010. GMA runs for Congress in Pampanga she wins, the administration candidates win too. They get the Supreme Court go ahead and convenes a Constituent Assembly, converts Congress into a parliament and GMA is elected as Prime Minister. This scenario assumes that the 2010 election is dominated by the allies of GMA and her candidates wins. This scenario assumes that transactional politics was the dominant practice and cheating, vote buying and killing will be the norm in the election of 2010. This means the citizen's action was weak and we failed to educate and mobilize active citizenship.

And here is the transcript of Father Bernas' interview with Mike Enriquez the other day. Yesterday, while he said there isn't anything to do at this point (legally that is), he said that HR1109 was really something of an "announcement" that the constitution was going to be violated. That is, it hasn't been violated yet.

Here you will find Joel Rocamora's flowchart of what could happen from now on. Also you will read what political analyst Mon Casiple has to say.

Lastly, chills went down my spine when I read Raissa Robles' take on the matter. She outlines the moves Gloria Arroyo has taken so far.

The Arroyo administration rushed to bring home former police Senior Superintendent Cezar Mancao II. He is scheduled to arrive in the Philippines Thursday morning. The haste to resolve a nine-year old double murder case seems inexplicable.

One possible explanation: Mancao will blame the deposed president Joseph Estrada and his key aide, Senator Panfilo Lacson.

When this happens, government will file a murder case against Estrada and order his arrest. Given Estrada's popularity, he and his followers could resist this. Remember that in 2001, when the deposed president was arrested for plunder, his followers mounted a bloody assault on Malacañang Palace.

A similar incident now could be an ostensible reason for Mrs. Arroyo to declare a state of emergency or martial rule. During that period, Congress (which is mostly in Mrs. Arroyo's pocket), would not be abolished. In fact, because it had already conveniently declared itself a constituent assembly, it could be used to propose amendments ostensibly to remedy the emergency. It would see the creation of a new order.

As for the military trying to assert its role to protect and defend the Constitution, last May a changing of the guards took place. Armed Forces Chief of Staff Alexander Yano retired prematurely and gave way to his classmate, Lieutenant General Victor Ibrado. More significantly, Arroyo's most trusted general, Delfin Bangit, became head of the biggest bulk of the military, the 70,000-strong Army.

And when Ibrado retires early next year or even this year, Bangit, the former head of the Presidential Security Group, is widely expected to assume the top post. It's the closest thing to Marcos' General Fabian Ver.

It has been five years since the Hello Garci tapes came out. Some of you may have been too young to understand what was happening then. But in the last five years we have let slip far too many scandals, their stink tracing back all the way to Malacanang. Some may say we are needlessly sowing fear. But surely, it is better to err on the side of caution.

This administration has been daring, encouraged by the lack of push back from the citizenry. The coming days and weeks there will be calls for rallies from various sectors and various fora will be held. Go with your friends and listen to what people have to say.

Bloggers on Conass

Alterted by Manolo, and further prodded by Nick of Filipino Voices, I went to Bastusang Pambasa yesterday to tweetcast what was a sorry excuse for deliberations on House Resolution 1109. See also @mlq3's tweetcast here. Pages in the session hall are usually snooty, but I thank the cosmos a kindly one passed by when I needed to plug my computer in one of the two power outlets that can be accessed from the gallery. To this unnamed page, my many thanks.

My liveblog on Filipino Voices can be read here. Manolo and Mon Casiple lay the political landscape vis-a-vis conass. Filipino Voices contributors Cocoy and Marocharim have also said their piece. FV welcomes new contributor Rep. Ruffy Biazon. He writes:

The passage of House Resolution 1109 proposing to amend the Constitution is another blow to the already tarnished reputation of the House of Represenatives. It is appalling that the leadership ignored the sentiments of the people which reject moves to amend the constitution at this time. It gives the House the image that it is callous to public opinion and will only give due attention to matters that pertain to its members’ personal and political agenda.

Ceci publishes the Akbayan Executive Committee statement on the resolution here. Notable in the statement:

Under conditions of legality, if the Supreme Court does what it is supposed to do, it should be easy to stop HR1109. Because Gloria has a long record of illegal moves, in the end, Gloria’s chacha can only be stopped politically.

Jericho asks, "Should we allow ourselves to be conned by these asses?" Indeed. Bikoy recounts how security made it difficult for some to enter the session hall last night, even going so far as to say the session was over when they weren't. Ms. Dado calls on all to oppose cha-cha and lists all signatories of HR1109 here.

From the Student Council Alliance of the Philippines:

SCAP...reminds solons that young people will not hesitate to go out in the streets again to show their indignation of this government’s outright mockery of our country’s democratic institutions and processes.

Dona Victorina gives Adel Tamano blog space. Tamano claims GMA forces in the lower house ultimately want to remove the Senate from the picture. Given their performance on the Hayden Kho scandals and now investigating jewelry scams on socialites, Senate seems to have its collective head up its ass. But Senator Gordon assures us Senate will not allow unicameral action on cha-cha.

Snow World also does a roundup of what happened yesterday. MavEqualizer believes Gloria Arroyo wants to stay on as Prime Minister. Eric says last night was a preview of how Congress will act in a unicameral setting.

From Assembly, the Ateneo political science org:

THE ASSEMBLY standing firmly as an organization in support of a democracy as the rule of the people, grounded upon the Christian value of preferential option for the poor, VEHEMENTLY REJECTS the junking of the land reform bill and the persistent efforts of Arroyo’s allies to change the constitution. The subsequent moves of the House of Representatives, first in the shifting of gears in its legislative action from CARPER towards Cha-Cha, then to the subsequent silencing of mainstream media, employing its capitalist properties to alter the dynamism of our political atmosphere all constitute a violation of authentic community-building and are an affront to human dignity.

For THE ASSEMBLY, however, the issue is not just about the legality or constitutionality of what has happened today. What has happened today is another manifestation of the crisis of the country’s liberal democratic institutions. In fact, the very reality that members of Congress can easily dispose of the people’s agenda in exchange for their own vested interests highlights precisely the problem with the structure of liberal democratic politics – the narrow and highly restricted notion of what constitutes public interest.

This move for charter change proposes a notion of finality in political citizenship by claiming that a change in the constitution will finally resolve issues of injustice. It does not only deepens the chasm between man and his community, but also leaves him docile, acquainted to this solitary polity, creating a majority that is fundamentally fragmented yet legally represented by a House that claims sovereignty from a ghastly constituency.

Politics is a facet of humanity that belongs to the people, not to the institutions that govern them.

I couldn't have said it better myself.

A migrant worker in Hongkong, Jon Mariano wonders what ordinary citizens can do, if they care at all. Sonny Melencio proposes to blockade the House and to not allow member to convene during Sona in July. I sort of like this idea. Like a sit-in. Wexistence remembers Rizal, "This is what Jose Rizal meant when he said an immoral government is matched by a people without morals; an administration without conscience, by grasping and slavish townsmen."

Ivy Eclairs declares an end to apathy and Dementia vehemently says no to it. Woot! TatayK has a cool anti-chacha poster of Concerned Artists of the Philippines. The Mindanao Examiner on anti-chacha mobilizations in Mindanao.

Arnold Padilla says what happened last night was a scandal far worse than Hayden Kho videos. Siyetehan credits Hayden for lack of media coverage last night. Alex Maximo also laments the sad state of coverage.

Samjuan implores us:

Sabi na nga ba masamang pangitain ang paghahain ng mga kaguluhan hinggil sa hayden camera scandals na kumalat sa inarnets eh. Ayan ayan, kaninang madaling araw dito, kagabi sa Pinas, gumuho ang natitirang mga pundasyon ng paguho nang demokrasya ng PIlipinas- Inaprubahan ng walanjong Kongreso ang Con-Ass (Constitutional Assembly). Wooh. Nakakakulot to ng buhok sa kili-kili pramis.

Sana may gawin ang mga tao ditto. Sana naman mabawasan yung mag nagsasabi na pagod na sila sa pulitika, sa rallies, sa pagrereklamo, sa pakikialam sa bayan kahit na wala pa naman silang nagagawang alinman sa mga nabanggit na hakbang ever. Sana di pa lamunin ng lupa ang Pinas. Uuwi pa ako. Anakngteteng umayos ka nga Philippine Government!

Iamstaying alive is not a little mad:

Pakingshet naman tong mga kongresistang to eh ginagawa tayong tanga! Hindi kailangan ng mataas na pinagaralan para malamang ang pagmamadali nilang maging pinal ang House Resolution 11-09 ay may nakapaloob na motibong palawigin ang termino ng pakingshet nating presidente!

Jobarclix announces Rocked's mobilization on Sunday, June 7 at Baywalk.

Meanwhile, I am scratching my head over Arman Gavino's proposed solution to this crisis. Superficialistics fears a return of martial law.

Splice makes his feelings for member of the House explicit. Maybe a little too explicit, lol:

For this inspired madness that will go down in history as one of the worst kinds of legislative proceedings, I salute those behind HR 1109 with both middle fingers, one up the nether region of their body where the sun never shines, and another just in case the hole is too wide for one.

Edicio discloses his literally murderous thoughts about what happend in Congress last night. Rhona Tolentino usually blogs about everyday stuff, like crushes, but today she could not contain being affected.

Hansley Juliano posts tomorrow's forum on HR 1109 in the Ateneo.

CON ASK: A Forum on HR 1109 Possibilities & Challenges on June 04, 2009 (Thursday), 4:00-5:30 pm. at the Colayco Pavillion, MVP Student Leadership Center, Ateneo de Manila University, Loyola Heights, Quezon City.

The forum’s main speaker will be former Ateneo Law School Dean and constitutional law expert Fr. Joaquin Bernas, S.J.

The forum will be followed through by a noise barrage to express our indignation on HR 1109 at Gate 2.5 of the Ateneo de Manila campus from 5:30-7:00 pm.

For more information about this forum, you may call us at 426-6001 local 4644 and look for Michelle Avelino.

You can get No to Conass badges at Alleba Politics. And La Nueva Liga Filipina on how to hold virtual protests.

For the Politics of the Real

I share a tenuous link to Randy David. He went to the same university as my favorite teacher who was a visiting scholar in UP for two years. Manchester University has a tradition of progressive thinking, perhaps owing to its history as one of the first industrial cities in Britain.

In his column today he makes two points I wholeheartedly agree with, one about the authenticity of our 'electoral' democracy and the other about the spectacle of our politics today.

It is my belief that, as it stands today, institutional politics—especially its regular electoral expression—has become nothing more than a way of further assimilating our people into a diseased social system. It offers no paths to social transformation. It deadens all instincts for balanced growth. It offers entertainment and diversion, instead of debate and the contest of visions. It forecloses options, rather than open new spaces for invention.

The British writer Simon Critchley thinks of politics as “the creation of such a space around a demand and then articulating it in relation to the state.” The demand, whatever it may be, acquires an unstoppable force to the extent that it can be woven into an ethical narrative. There has to be “a moment of sacralization in the constitution of any polity,” says Critchley. From the perspective of the political subject, I believe that. Using this simple concept of politics, let me point to remaining pockets where, I think, real politics may still be found in our society today.

And what do you know? One such pocket of 'real' politics is still the politics of land.


And while everyone is all agog over the merger of frog parties, I share Nathan Quimpo's view:

Post-Marcos parties, in particular, have proven to be not much more than convenient vehicles of patronage that can be set up, merged with others, split, resurrected, regurgitated, reconstituted, renamed, repackaged, recycled, or flushed down the toilet anytime. After over a century of playing and dominating the electoral game, members of the elite have so mastered its many tricks that they have turned it...into a game of 'perpetual musical charis in which different bourgeois factions jostle for the right to mismanage the country and plunder its wealth.'

I await the day when elections cease being solely the province of 'who' (and the dynamics of the hows and whys among them) but also the province of debate over ideas, real problems and possible solutions.

The Yellow-toothed Woman and the Book Blockade

The sun was four inches above the waters of Manila Bay when we finally made our way to the little gathering of determined individuals who were protesting the Great Book Blockade. Because nothing really happens unless the media covers it, I was glad to see GMA7 sent a news crew to interview the organizers and document participants of the book swap. We arrived when there were only a few dozen books left for the picking. I suppose they went really fast.

People were clicking away at the books and each other when I spotted my friend chatting up a man puffing away at a tobacco. An event like that could only attract nerds, and he was a good sort. After their exchange about tobaccos I quizzed him about why he was at the event. I must confess the government’s book taxing shenanigans never got a rise out of me. There is a point where one is inured to it all, and I always thought that compared to people being made to disappear or denying land justice to farmers, taxes on books merited less of my emotional engagement.



As frenetic as EDSA on a Monday morning, the conversation went all sorts of places pretty quickly. I forget now the details of what we talked about, but I am left with impression of one person who, hopefully, mirrors the many more hiding in the woodworks, raring to fight back against the wrongdoing of those in power. His head was covered in anti-sun gear, a grayish fisherman’s hat and dark lenses on his glasses, every once in a while taking a drag at the prize between his index and middle fingers. From the Bataan Death March to the activism of his folks in the Martial Law era, he painted quick splashes on our historical canvass.

“Did you see who carted away the books first?” I murmured a negative, having come a bit late. He motioned his head to the inhabitants of the Manila Bay area, skin darkened from sleeping underneath the naked sky. To be clear I said, “You mean the Great Unwashed carted most of the books away?” In a conspiratorial way only journalists would ever be able to manage, he murmured an affirmative. “You see, we the so-called enlightened ones like to assume the hoi polloi would never care for books. But right there, before my eyes, was proof that isn’t true.” Indeed. The printed word is a luxury for many. In our little enclaves we tend to forget the great privilege of being able to make sense of letters strung together. What jewels they must be for those whose precious monies must be spent on not starving.

So much of who I am, what I believe and how I perceive the world and my place in it have come from all that I have ever read. Stripped of all that, what would I be?

A tiny woman with yellowed teeth and bulging eyes sidled along me and two friends in conversation. Her cheekbones jutted sharp against skin. I imagine lack of food does that to one’s body. Not a feet from me is a person who has probably lived with chronic hunger all her life. What that must be like, as being unable to read, is again unimaginable. She asked us what the project was about and made appropriate responses about how good it was and for young kids to be able to take advantage of free books. After establishing some rapport, she asked us for five pesos. I normally do not give alms, but I gave her twenty, amazed that she did her begging with a strange kind of dignity. She said her thanks and proceeded carting boxes and trash away.

I glanced over at the thinning crowd at the leftover books sitting on the cement. I imagined what sort of person I would have turned out to be had I not been born in a family that could send me to school, or afford me books to read. Because language carries, as the written word carries, I imagine illiteracy holds one inert, frozen in the immediacy of hunger and thirst, of life and death, of negotiating now and tomorrow.

The Jun Lozada in You

There are no saints, no sinners, only human beings.

As I write this, a Filipino who spoke truth to power has been arrested. His offense? That of implicating the powerful in the most heinous of crimes that can possibly be committed by those who are entrusted with the public trust - abuse of authority to commit theft in such unimaginable magnitude.

Graft and corruption, such vague words. What does this mean to the ordinary person? It can range from life and death situations, especially among the most vulnerable, to inconveniences of having to drive on pock-marked, barely-lit roads. Public funds are a lifeblood of a country. How and where they are spent show the priorities of our society. Ideally, public funds should be spent on the provision of public services and public goods. In simple terms, they should be spent to make life easier for all of us.

If Gloria Arroyo's husband, indeed, the President herself - the embodiment of the Filipino people's will - steal from public coffers as Jun Lozada and others like him allege, then they literally make life harder for all of us. Imagine the billions of pesos that would have been spent on the construction of new classrooms, the procurement of books, the funding of public hospitals.

Corruption is not only a public crime committed by public officials. To my mind, corruption is very private, very personal. We all pay for the privilege of being Filipino. Our taxes, automatically confiscated by the State, are a product of our own personal toil. Imagine the fruits of your hard work going to the pockets of those whom we entrust to run this country. More than a slap in the face, it is an abomination.

There are no saints, no sinners, only human beings. Jun Lozada has himself admitted to wrong-doing. A mid-level bureaucrat dabbling in mid-level theft. But there are limits to our descent into perdition, and he probably reached his when he learned he was going to be made to disappear. I remember seeing him for the first time last year, my bittersweet homecoming. I remember thinking he vaguely looked like my father. In his eyes I saw not the absence of fear. He spoke like a man with a death sentence awaiting judgment. Today mayhaps, it has come.

He said he did not want to be a hero, and a certainly not a martyr. In this country's grand narrative, we, all of us, seem insignificant gnats in the order of things. But there are limits to the 'inconveniences' we can bear. There are limits to our consenting to surrender the fruits of our labor to a giant thieving machine. There are limits to the collective deadening of our social conscience. We cannot all be ostriches, willingly burying our heads in the sand in denial of the reality we're in.

Credibility and Authority

I do not pretend to know the history behind Reyna Elena’s tirade against Filipino Voices, but I hope the blogger appreciates the fact that writers for this blog aggregation do not see eye to eye on many things. I do not think it is fair to lump all writers together when Reyna Elena specifically targets only one or some of the contributors.

That said, I think it is an absolute shame that words like credibility and authority are being bandied about as if they were magic talismans to ward away evil. This statement is particularly grating:

This is not to say that only people with credentials make sense, but given the experience and education, they become far more likely to be trusted by readers and opinions respected. Now, those are the ones who are more than likely to be effective lecturers. Sure, people with no credentials could still make sense. There are good writers after all. Agree?

I am afraid this is a telling sign of the disproportionate regard we Filipinos have for appearances rather than substance. If denizens of the blogosphere wanted to hear the expert opinions of decorated academics and practitioners of whatever discipline, then they might care to go to public lectures of universities – institutions of higher learning and diploma mills alike. That or read the latest issue of the Philippine Political Science Journal.

Credibility is nothing more than believability. Again, this is something any writer has no control over, it is something you gain irrespective of your credentials – who you are, what you do, etc. We can name some public figures who have letters after their name and who have been dabbling in politics all their lives. How many of them are ‘credible?’ Gloria Arroyo went to an American ivy league school and is a PhD of the University of the Philippines. Her ‘credentials,’ to uncritical observers, are impressive. Do you believe her? The same question may be asked about the credentialed, be-lettered, experienced political experts running this country. How many of you believe them?

To mine delicate ears, Authority screams top-down imposition of behavior, norms and ways of thinking. The beauty of the internet is its democratic nature. It eliminates the monopoly of knowledge by ‘gate-keeping’ hierarchies and institutions. True, there are many Filipinos who to this day have no running water and electricity, let alone internet connection. And the blogosphere, so far, is peopled by the blogging middle class. But this is our dialogue. Our discourse. To my mind, the blogosphere should be free of ‘who.’ It should be filled with ‘whats’, ‘hows’ and ‘whys.’

Blogging at Pulitika

Isang sagot kay Reyna Elena.

Ang blogging ay ‘di iba sa pagtitipon-tipon ng mga mamayan sa mga kapulungan noong mga panahong wala pang mass media at lalo na ang internet. Sa aking wari, isa itong paraan upang maipahayag ng kahit sino’ng kabilang ng isang komunidad ang kaniyang saloobin ukol sa pamamamaraan ng pamamalakad ng kaniyang pamahalaan.

‘Di dapat gawing sukatan ang antas ng edukasyon o karanasan sa ‘pulitika’ ang karapatang mag-blog ukol sa pulitika. Kung lahat tayo’y nagbabayad ng buwis, mula sa mga CEO ng mga kumpanya hanggang sa mga nagtitinda na taho sa kalye (na nagbabayad din ng VAT), lahat ay dapat bigyan daan upang mag-hayag ng hinaing o pagsang-ayon sa ating buhay pulitikal. Ang kayod nating lahat ay sinsamsam ng estado, sa gusto man natin o hindi. Lahat tayo ay napapailalim sa mga batas na nililikha ng estado, sa gusto man natin o hindi.

Isang mahalagang elemento ng demokrasiya na pakinggan ang mga haka-haka at kuro-kuro ng lahat. Kakabit nito ang pagtanggap na lahat ay may kakayanang mag-isip para sa kaniyang sarili patungkol sa mga nilalaman ng balita halimbawa o sa mga desisyong ipinatutupad ng Malacañang. Dahil ang Pilipinas ay isang mahirap na bansa, at karamihan sa mga mamayan nito ay salat sa pormal na edukasyon, ang ibig ba’ng sabihin nito ay dapat na isawalang-bahala ang boses ng nakararami? Para ano pa kung gano’n ang eleksyon? Para ano pa kung sa gano’n ang pagbibigay ng mga baseng karapatan sa bawat Pilipino, lalo na ang karapatan ng malalayang pamamahayag o free speech?

Sa pamamahayag ng ating iba’t-iba at madalas ay nagbabanggaang opinyon, nalalaman ng madla ang mga sala-salawing panig. Sa gayon ang madla ay maaaring makapagpasya kung anumang panig ang kanilang kikilingan o hindi.

Ang pagiging ‘intelketwal’ ay isang pang-uring ‘di saklaw ng kung ilan lamang. Lahat tayo ay nag-iisip. Maaaring iba’t-iba ang ating pagtingin ukol sa pulitika, at sa gayon ay iba’t-iba rin ang ating mga hinahangad ukol sa pagpapatakbo ng mga bagay-bagay at kung sa’ang direksyon patutunguhin ang bayan. Ang mga hinaing at kuro-kuro halimbawa ng isang accountant sa Makati ay iba sa mga hinaing at kuro-kuro ng nagtitinda ng samalamig. Hindi dapat na bigyang higit na timbang ang isa sa isa dahil tayong lahat ay nabibilang sa isang pampulitikong komunidad.

Ang kredibilidad sa pamamahayag sa media ay inaani mula sa iba, hindi ibinibigay sa sarili. Sa kauna-unahang pagkakataon – lahat ng mga mamayang Pilipino na may kakayanang magsulat at mag-access ng internet ay maaaring mag-blog at maghayag ng kanilang saloobin ukol sa Pilipinas, sa gobiyerno, sa kapwa Pilipino. Sa kauna-unahang panahon, maaari tayong gumawa ng diskurso at pakikipagtalastasan bilang mga mamayan sa labas ng saklaw ng organisadong mass media at ng kung anumang opisyal na pagtingin ng mga makapangyarihan.

Ang mahalaga siguro ay ang makinig sa isa’t-isa, kumalap ng makabuluhang impormasyon at magpasiya sa ikabubuti ng lahat. Ang impormayson ay maaaring manggaling sa napakaraming panig. Mas mabuti na sigurong mas maraming panig kaysa sa nag-iisang panig. Ang pagtiyak kung ano ang malaman o hindi, ang may bias o hindi, ang kapaki-pakinabang o hindi, ay nakasalalay sa ating sariling kunsensya at pag-iisip.

The Defense Has to Hold

Practised salespersons, two young ones rushed to us selling their leis of ilang-ilang. We were smoking off my brother's birthday bounty outside a restaurant in Quezon City. And there they were eagerly shoving their wares to our newly-stuffed faces.

As I have been wont to do lately, I conducted a mini-interrogation of these child labourers. One is in the fifth grade and the other in third. They looked small for their ages - purportedly 9 and 11. They were residents of NIA road - that slum area near the QC central post office. Like all sob stories, their parents were mostly unemployed. I asked them why they were working when their parents weren't. The practised answer was - of course they wanted to help their families. Their classes are from 12 to 6, after which they hit the hard streets selling their little bit of fragrant heaven.

How long do you stay out here? Until we sell everything off. Do you have time to play or do homework? The fifth grader eagerly pointed to the little satchel at the foot of a tree. Home work on top of work work.

Bright kids, I thought. It didn't matter whether I was fed lies. I suspected as much given how fast the answers flew out of their little mouths. Maybe liars - but quick-witted ones. I was impressed and so I bought a couple of strings of ilang-ilang.

Tomorrow these little girls' evening will be exactly the same as this one. After school they will doff their uniforms and hie off to places of conspicuous consumption to earn their keep.

Tomorrow I will go to Makati, one among the multitude. Amorphous, symbolic, the many voices of those who say no to changing the highest law of the land to suit the interests of the lawless.

I will go because those little girls cannot.

Migrant Workers are Not Commodities

To add to the official discourse of governements meeting in the Global Forum on Migration and Development kicking off today, this is the declaration of the parallel civil society forum I attended last week, the People's Global Action on Migration, Development and Human Rights. Also read the Madrid Declaration during the 3rd World Social Forum on Migrations.

Peoples’ Global Action Declaration

on Migration, Development and Human Rights

Submitted to the Global Forum on Migration and Development - Manila, Philippines, 27 October 2008

A world of migrants

There are over 250 million people in the world today that are in various conditions of being a migrant. Throughout human history people have been migrants or descended from migrants – with the exception of indigenous peoples residing in their ancestral lands.

There are many root causes of migration, including armed conflict, persecution, discrimination, poverty, underdevelopment, forced displacement, environmental destruction, and a search for family unity. And in the last decades, migration flows have been intensified because of neoliberal, corporate-centered globalization such as that promoted by the World Trade Organization (WTO), including free trade agreements, reduction in publicly-provided social reproductive services, and the expansion of the rights of business, have created wealth for economic elites but have consistently widened the gap between rich and poor and deepened vulnerabilities of individuals and communities.

While hugely profiting from the labor of migrants, the majority of countries in the world, have continuously adopted anti-migrant policies through scapegoating migrants for all social ills and perceived threats to national security. The adoption of simultaneous policies of being ‘open’ but at the same time ‘closed’ to migrants have led to the increased fragmentation of the working class, heightened insecurities for all migrants especially those in the grey zones like exiled peoples, amplified racial discrimination, and worsened the vulnerability to abuse and exploitation by organized crimes and corrupt officials, especially among women migrants. Meanwhile, the re-emergent emphasis on state-centered security as developed states secure their economic privilege has sharpened territorial divisions and pre-border surveillance as well as strengthened inward looking governance especially since the so-called ‘war on terror’ was unleashed.

The GFMD’s “migration and development” paradigm does not go far enough in affirming the human dignity of migrants and migrant workers, firmly placing their inalienable rights at the center of development and addressing their myriad insecurities. Moreover, such paradigm calls for the rendering of female migrant labor in specific gendered ways and is thus likely to reinforce inequalities between men and women.

Instead, the GFMD seeks to create an international migration regime that manages temporary workers for the benefit of global production and profit while at the same time institutionalizing more coercive and restrictive migration policies that penalize and lump together as one undesirable group all so-called ‘irregular’, ‘undocumented’ workers and all other migrants who fall in the grey zone.

As well, civil society including migrants’ organizations, trade unions, women’s organizations, and others have been severely restricted in their participation in GFMD debates, while the role of banks, financial intermediaries, and the corporate sector has been enhanced.

Obviously, the GFMD is not about respecting migration as a human activity in all of its varied forms, nor is it about protecting the rights of migrants and of workers. It is certainly not about realizing development for the majority of the world’s poor. Simply put, the GFMD is about protecting the security of states and markets. The GFMD and other new forums have been vigorously promoted, funded and controlled by developed countries together with a handful of developing countries. The result has been to further undermine an already weakened United Nations system where developing countries at this time stand a better chance of representation and participation.

Our challenge to governments attending the GFMD

Governments hold mutual obligations and responsibilities to respect, protect, fulfill, and promote the human rights of all peoples, migrants and workers everywhere included. In this regard, governments must ensure that the core UN and ILO conventions, including the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and human rights treaties, including the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of their Families, ILO Conventions 97 and 143,and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women and ILO rights-based Multilateral Framework on Labor Migration are enforced at every level.

Governments have also been called on “to protect the vital core of human lives in ways that enhance human freedoms and human fulfillment” especially in dealing with issues of conflict, poverty and migration (Commission on Human Security 2003).

Governments must not deviate from but rather build upon the normative rights-based framework-approach to development. We recall Chapter 1 of the Declaration on the Right to Development (UNGA Resolution 41/128, 4 December 1986) - “The right to development is an inalienable human right by virtue of which every human person and all peoples are entitled to participate in, contribute to, and enjoy economic, social, cultural and political development, in which all human rights and fundamental freedoms can be fully realized.”

Governments must ensure the genuine and meaningful participation of migrants and other stakeholders in international discussions on migration policy, and migration and development.

Governments must not differentiate between ‘regular’ or ‘irregular’ migrant workers in respecting migrants and workers rights. Regardless of their status, migrants are participants in contributors to and members of the community and country in which they live and work.

Governments must ensure that migrants enjoy equality of rights and non-discrimination in the places where they live. Discrimination based on any status, including national origin, nationality, migration status, race, gender, sexual orientation, religiousbelief and language, is prohibited by international law and human rights principles. Governmental policy must also address de facto discrimination (unequal conditions), and promote empowerment and equity for migrants.

Governments must protect and uphold the human rights of women migrants as subjects within a gendered history and context of migration. The vicious cycle of ‘poverty – human trafficking – poverty’ denies poor women their basic rights including the right to decent work and the right to security and justice. Policies aimed at curbing trafficking must address its myriad root causes and avoid pushing vulnerable women into deeper exploitation and abuse.


Governments must cease its implementation of state migration policies that constitute or cause violations of human rights. These include policies that: deny migrant workers decent work and the protection of their basic rights as workers; criminalize migrants, including the criminalization of migrants with irregular status; militarize borders and externalize migration control in international waters or in countries of origin and transit; discriminate against migrants based on nationality or migratory status; enforce collective deportations and deportations which violate any human right, including right to protection of the family, due process of law, right to security of person, and the principle of non refoulement; allow for arbitrary detentions and arrests, and all other deprivations of liberty of migrants in contravention of international standards on detention including on the reasons, conditions, procedures, and allowable time period of detention; and policies that fail to prevent and eliminate the exploitation and abuse of migrants, including trafficking of persons.

Governments must institute a functioning international system with migration and development policies that guarantee the human rights of migrants, workers, and all peoples, and promotes sustainable, rights-based development. This requires that forums for multilateral discussions on migration and development policies ensure genuine civil society participation. It also requires that all developing country governments have equal participation and voice.. Governments in the South should not adopt policies or enter into agreements with Northern countries that increase forced migration of its population, such as free trade agreements, Neither should they make any multilateral or bilateral agreements that that does not fully respect and protect the human rights of migrants, such as many repatriation, border control, and temporary labor agreements. We call on governments to respond to these challenges and fulfill its obligations, and create new global mechanisms and processes that are genuinely democratic, transparent and accountable and which will meaningfully ensure each individual’s human rights, freedoms and sustainable development.

Endorsed by the Philippine Working Group

Akbayan, Alliance of Progressive Labor (APL), ASEAN Trade Union Council (ATUC), Asian Migrant Center (AMC), Asian Migrant Domestic Workers Alliance (ADWA), Atikha, Batis Center for Women, Building and Wood Workers International, Bukluran ng Manggagawang Pilipino (BMP), Center for Migrant Advocacy (CMA), Asia Pacific Forum on Women Law and Development (APWLD), Coalition Against Trafficking in Women-Asia Pacific (CATW-AP), Coalition for Migrants Rights (CMR), Daughters of Charity, Focus on the Global South, Freedom from Debt Coalition (FDC), Global Alliance Against Traffic in Women (GAATW), Global Network Asia, International Gender and Trade Network-Asia (IGTN), Jubilee South-Asia Pacific Movement on Debt and Development, KAKAMMPI, Kanlungan Center Foundation, Migrant Forum in Asia (MFA), National Union of Building & Construction Workers/BWI, Philippine Consortium on Migration and Development, Public Services International (PSI/PSLINK), Save the Children-UK, Solidaritas Migran Scalabrini-Philippines, Stop the New Round, UNI-PLC/UNI-APRO, Unlad Kabayan Migrant Services Foundation, Women and Gender Institute-Miriam College (WAGI), Women Legal Bureau (WLB).

The Core UN Conventions are:

International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD) 1965
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) 1966
International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) 1966
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW)1979
Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT) 1984
Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) 1989
International Convention on Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families (ICMRW) 1990
International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance (ICPAPED) 2005
Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) 200

Popcorn Na Lang

This is just a small preview of the exciting events happening in the HOR now that the RH bill ha finally reached the floor for debate. Kung pwede lang magbaon ng popcorn sa loob ng session hall. Hehehe.

(Re)producing the Democratic Process

If I were of a less moderate temperament, I would have long used by Pilot G-tech C4 to stab the CBCP's lackeys in Congress.

Last night was testament to the dirty tactics employed by the likes of Rep. Pablo Garcia, Rep. Apostol and the queen of bungangeras Rep. Susano. They're obviously in panic mode now that the RH bill, in its umpteenth incarnation, has reached the farthest ever stage in Philippine legislation. In the Committee on Rules hearing last week Rep. Delmar, Rep. Velarde, Rep. Golez and Rep. Rodriguez (and their silent partners) all tag-teamed to stop the bill from being debated on the floor for all congressfolk to hear both those for and against the bill. They wanted to stop the discussion at committee level. Rep Delmar, in an impassioned but woefully misguided and exaggerated diatribe, said this bill is "divisive" and will potentially cause a "political crisis" never before seen in the country. Blah blah blah.

In an appeal to emotion, Rep. Golez said the bill was just about babies. 27 babies born in each barangay. That is the problem, he only sees the issue at hand from such a narrow perspective. This issue is more than just about sex and reproductive health. Its about reproductive justice, gender relations, women/mother empowerment, quality life, socio-cultural change, human capital investment and economic growth and development.

Last night the opposition would not even allow one person to deliver a sponsorship speech. The debates will not even take place 'til next week!

To be continued...

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Read HB 5043 here.

Sign the petition in support of the bill here.

Progressives

OUT OF THE LIST: Assessing the power of progressive party-lists in the context of oligarchic Philippine politics

Brought to you by:

Buklod CSSP: The premier leadership and service giving formation in the College of Social Sciences and Philosophy

Guest Speakers:

Mrs. Loreta Rosales (Akbayan)

Mr. Ramon Casiple (Institute of Political and Electoral Reform)

Dr. Felix Muga (Ateneo Math Department)

Mr. Joel Rocamora (Institute for Popular Democracy)


Claro M. Recto Hall
University of the Philippines
August 22, 2008
1:00- 4:00 p.m.

Surrealpolitik

The State of the Nation Address has been called a political circus, a political theatre and a "fashion show." Now I know why. On the way to the galleries, our troupe ran into former NEDA chief Romulo Neri and his coterie. I felt like I had just seen a rockstar. In the North Session Hall, the atmosphere was befittingly that of a rock concert. I felt like I had gone in there to be entertained. I wasn't. I was exhausted.

There they were, the leaders of this country - bonggaciuosly dressed, perfumed and coiffed. They all were busy socialising 45 minutes before the arrival of Madame La Gloria. I wondered why they all looked so cheerful and content. Like the cat that had feasted on the canary the night before.

I hadn't expected the event to be all seriousness, as one would expect from committee hearings (that I have yet to witness), but I wasn't expecting the overly cheerful vibe emanating from the floor either. Are these people completely so inured from reality that they could afford to celebrate and reaffirm themselves in such a disgraceful manner?

One after another, Congressional wives (and female representatives) floated on the floor, parading their shining, shimmering and splendidly expensive ternos. I thought to myself - I must have helped pay fort that.

In times where more and more Filipinos cannot afford to eat thrice a day, there they were flaunting their excesses.

Some of the personalities I recognised fromt the uppermost galleries were US Ambassador Kenney - in a black gown with a fuschia pink collar. Pink must've been the colour of the day - that and purple. Seated a couple of rows in front of her was former President Fidel Ramos. He was sitting in the foreign dignitaries box.

Manny Pacquiao arrived with Mayor Atienza and Chavit Singson. Boy, they were stuck to the champ's side like a leech to a fat cow.

A few minutes before 4pm, some of the our representatives started forming a queue to welcome the president. Her chopper flew in at quarter to the hour. On two giant screens we saw her alight from the vehicle, and then welcomed by some personalities I cared not to know.

On the way in, she made beso to Miriam Defensor-Santiago (in pink) and another lady in pink. Enthusiastically narrating it all on NBN is a former professor (allegedly) one of this administration's spinmeisters and co-author of this SONA. I tell one of my bosses, seated to my left, how I detest said spinmeister - first for being an asshole sexist (must be overcompensating for his short-comings) and second for giving me the lowest grade in grad school.

At first I could not see La Gloria amidst the throng. While her salmon pink terno might have been easy to spot from our spot, her tiny royal self was hidden by the perfumed mob of her court. All the way to the front, she was greeted by besos and handshakes galore.

As all of this was happening, the most annoying music was being played by (what certainly sounded like) a live band. I suppose the music was supposed to trumpet her royal majesty's greatness.

When they played the national anthem, there I stood, hand over heart, gazing balefully at the huge flag. I was supposed to hear the state of the nation from this country's single most powerful being. It was a bittersweet moment. I no longer felt like crying, as I did when I went to the Black and White Movement's ZTE Presscon and I'd heard the anthem played for the first time since my return from Oz. Nevertheless I felt overwhelmingly sad. What was I witnessing this farce for?

And then her address commenced. And she painted a beautiful picture of her private la-la-land. Seated near us were a couple of her palas. They kept looking down at what looked like a copy of her speech, spread on their lap - and clapped on cue.

My colleagues said this SONA was a lot less noiser, with less applause, than last year's. By far people cheered the loudest when La Gloria announced telcos halving the text message price. We Filipinos certainly know how to get our priorities straight.

After the hour-long spectacle, I felt overwhelmingly tired. Our bill looks like it will be trashed for the nth time. I asked the troupe, how they can keep on doing this day in day out. These battle-weary warriors looked at me with wisdom belied by their not-so-old bodies. And then they smiled. You take it a day at time.

Hypocrites in Robes

Reproduced here is Likhaan's Statement on the Catholic hierarchy's hypocrisy and selective morality. I especially like their concluding statement.

Deaths and Suffering in the Name of Doctrine: The impact of Catholic bishops' interventions on contraceptive policies

For a woman suffering from ill health, another pregnancy could put her to death. Every year, around 2,000 Filipinas die from unintended pregnancies.[1]

For a poor family suffering from hunger, another child may push them over the edge. The poorest families want four children but end up with six.[2]

Contraception can prevent most of these tragedies. Catholic bishops never have to worry about death or injury from pregnancy. They never have to worry about hunger for themselves or their children.

Yet, as leaders who regularly preached about love and justice, the least we expected was a bit of sympathy.

A truly caring leader once said, "Whatever you do for the least of my brothers, you do unto me."

To the Catholic bishops we say: women and the poor are among the least in our society. Listen to them. Or at least listen to your mothers, your married aunts and sisters.

Fifty seven percent (57%) of married Filipino women had used a modern contraceptive method. So said a national, scientific survey of 13,633 women aged 15-49, of whom 82% are Catholics.[3]

This suggests that most Catholic bishops and priests have a mother or a sister who had used a contraceptive method.

In another survey, 90% of Catholics said that it is "important" for the government to fund modern family planning methods like the pill, IUD, ligation, condom and vasectomy.[4]

Communions and Church Collections The unreasonableness and unpopularity of forbidding contraceptives explains why Catholic bishops focus their pressure tactics on policymakers and not on Catholics as a whole.

Threatening to withhold communion from millions of Catholic contraceptive users will result in a nightmare scenario for bishops: half-empty pews and a dying church.

The Catholic hierarchy may also have learned its lesson about unilaterally withholding religious rites from its dark colonial past. More than 200 years ago, a Spanish priest refused a person Catholic burial rites. The place was Bohol, the dead man's brother was Francisco Dagohoy, and the event triggered the longest revolt against Spanish occupation.

However, there is a simpler and more principled solution to the bishops' dilemma. If the Catholic bishops truly believe that contraception is evil and users are sinners, they can announce a simple policy: refusal of church collections and contributions from contraceptive users and supporters.

Simpler and more principled. Especially since calling people sinful while profiting from their contributions is nothing but crass hypocrisy.

[1] Nearly half of all pregnancies in the Philippines are unintended(Singh S et al. Unintended Pregnancy and Induced Abortion inthe Philippines: Causes and Consequences, New York:Guttmacher Institute, 2006), and around 4600 maternal deaths,from all types of pregnancies, occur annually (Maternal Mortalityin 2005, Estimates developed by WHO, UNICEF, UNFPA, andThe World Bank, WHO 2007.)

[2] National Statistics Office and ORC Macro, NationalDemographic and Health Survey 2003. (NDHS 2003)

[3] NDHS 2003.

The New Job

I'm sorry, I could be more articulate in this post, but my brain cells are spent. I've been writing the whole day.

I am finding my new work environment incredibly fascinating. So much to say, so little energy left. Just some random observations:

I know the blogging "network" to which I belong - yeah you guys, are at best ambivalent with civil society types who regularly hold protests and rallies. Now that I am in, let me tell you that these rallies are just the tip of the iceberg. If anything, its just a publicity stunt. So much more happens behind the scenes. Real honest-to-goodness lobbying and policy peddling. There's planning and strategising. Almost like launching a war without bloodshed. In a day it is a roller-coaster ride - high one moment and despondent the next. Its almost fun - up until the moment you again realise that the stakes are very high.

The CS networks are deep and huge. Our organisation alone is coordinating with a host of other NGOs.

My work (so far) is a lot like blogging - except I get paid, have to reference, and put my name on what I write. And my audience. Oh boy. My audience are people who can actually make a change.